White election is the main election held in the southern United States where only white voters are allowed to participate. The election of a white candidate was established by units of the Democratic Party of the country or by state legislatures in many Southern states after 1890. White warriors were one of the methods used by white Democrats to deprive the suffrage of most black and minority voters. They also passed legislation and the constitution with provisions to increase barriers to voter registration, to complete the revocation of rights from 1890 to 1908 in all former Confederate states.
The Texas Legislature passed a law in 1923 that allowed political parties to make their own rules for the election of its predecessor. The dominant Democratic Party forbade black and Mexican-American minorities to participate. The Supreme Court, in 1927, 1932, and 1935, heard three Texas cases related to white preliminaries. In the case of 1927 and 1932, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the plaintiff, saying that the state law establishing a white base violated the Fourteenth Amendment. Texas changed its laws in response, delegating authority to political parties to establish their own rules for a preliminary election. In Grovey v. Townsend (1935), the Supreme Court ruled that this practice is constitutional, since it is administered by the Democratic Party, which is a private institution, not a state.
In 1944, the Supreme Court ruled 8-1 against Texas's white primary system in Smith v. Allwright . In this case, the Court ruled that the law of the state of Texas in 1923 was unconstitutional, as it allowed the country's Democratic Party to racially discriminate. After the case, most of the southern states have ended selectively a selective white candidate election. They maintain other tools of dispossession, especially in the case of barriers to voter registration, such as voting and literacy taxes. Legal challenges that generally survive today are applied to all potential voters. In practice, however, they were administered discriminatively by white officials, which resulted in the vast majority of blacks being expelled from the political system in the South until after the 1960s, regardless of the level of education or ownership of their property.
Video White primaries
Establishment and white introduction significance
The chapters of the South Democrats began using white prelude in the late nineteenth century, as part of efforts to suppress the black vote and weaken the Republicans in the South. In an effort to maintain white supremacy, Democrat activists often resort to violence and fraud in elections to suppress the black vote.
Following a temporary loss of power to the biracial coalition of Populists and Republicans in the 1890s, when the Democrats regained the state's legislative control (often on white-supremacist campaigns), they systematically adopted electoral rules in the new constitution or specific laws to repeal rights select black selector. by making voter registration and choosing more difficult. A number of tools are used, including voting taxes, residence requirements, record keeping requirements and literacy tests, all administered by white officials. The Democrats sometimes protect illiterate or poor white voters by devices such as the grandfather clause, which provides exceptions to men who have ancestors who have chosen or lived in certain areas on a date that excludes blacks. The application of these acts was done in an even uneducated discriminatory manner, the middle-class blacks managed to remain on the electoral roll.
The Democrats achieved a dramatic decline in a black vote in the South, with the weakening Republicans in the region. The White Democrats have built and maintained a one-party system in most of the southern states. Thus they develop great power in Congress, control all seats allocated to their country, build seniority, and gain important leadership seats from important committees, which extend their power. Blacks who are excluded from voting are also closed to run for local office, serving on juries, or in other civilian offices, and forced into second-class status.
To strengthen the exclusion of minorities from the political system, Texas, Georgia and several other countries set a white prelude, an "inclusive selective" system that allows only whites to vote in the primaries. By legally considering the election as the only election held by the state, they gave white members of the Democratic Party control over the decision-making process within the party and state. Since the Democrat Party dominates the political system of all Southern countries after Reconstruction, the state and local primary elections usually determine which candidate will eventually win the election.
Maps White primaries
Texas case
Beginning in the early 20th century, the National Association for the Advancement of Colorful People (NAACP) filed numerous lawsuits in an attempt to overturn the discriminatory practice of voter registration and voters by the Southern states. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) also participates in such cases. The ACLU filed a lawsuit based on a country which has passed a discriminatory law in violation of the amendments to the Constitution.
In 1923, Texas passed the Statute of Texas, stating that "no niggers would be eligible to participate in the Democratic elections held in the State of Texas." The law was challenged by Dr. L. A. Nixon, a black member of the Democratic Party, in Nixon v. Herndon (1927). Nixon was denied voting in the Democratic primary election in Texas on a legal basis and sued for redress under federal civil rights law. The court found its advantage on the grounds of the Fourteenth Amendment, which guaranteed "equal protection under the law," while not discussing the Fifteenth Amendment claim to the franchise.
After that decision, Texas changed the law to allow the Democratic Party's executive committee to set a voting qualification for its predecessor election. The new law provides that each political party will "in its own way determine who is eligible to vote or participate in such a political party." Nixon sued again, at Nixon v. Condon (1932). The Supreme Court again found its advantage on the basis of the Fourteenth Amendment.
The Democratic Convention of the state of Texas then adopted a rule that prohibits black voting in the primary elections. This revised scheme is enforced at Grovey v. Townsend (1935), where the Supreme Court declares that this basis for a white base is constitutional, arguing that a political party is a private entity. Another challenge for Texas's white predecessor is Smith v. Allwright (1944), which canceled Grovey v. Townsend . In this regard, the Supreme Court ruled that the election of a white candidate as set by Texas was unconstitutional.
Although Smith v. Allwright applied directly to Texas law, following this decision, most of the southern states end the selective selection of white candidates selectively. Activists earn voter registration from tens of thousands of African-Americans after the end of the white preliminary election, but many are still excluded from voting because states use other discriminatory practices, including voting and literacy taxes (subjectively subjected by registrants of leather white) to keep African-Americans from voting.
1964 Democratic National Convention 1964
African Americans continue to work to have their constitutional rights as enforced citizens. During the era of civil rights in the 1960s, voter registration registrars were held in the southern states in an effort to work within the system. In some cases, activists are attacked or killed, and African-Americans make little progress against the white will to exclude most blacks from voting.
The 1964 Democratic National Convention is controversial because of a dispute over who the delegates from Mississippi are entitled to attend and vote. At a national service, the Democratic Integrated Democratic Party (MFDP) claims a seat for a delegation for Mississippi, arguing that an official Mississippi delegation has been selected for violating party rules, since it excludes blacks from voting. Blacks are still systematically excluded by the discriminatory provisions of registering and voting in early elections, and participating in state and district caucuses and districts and state conventions. However, MFDP delegates have all been strictly selected in accordance with party rules.
The party's liberal leaders supported the distribution of seats evenly between the two delegates. But President Lyndon B. Johnson is concerned that, while the regular Democrats of Mississippi will probably vote for conservative Republican Barry Goldwater anyway, refusing them at that time would hurt South Johnson in presidential elections. Finally, Hubert Humphrey, Walter Reuther and black civil rights leaders, including Roy Wilkins and Bayard Rustin, made a compromise: two of the 68 MFDP delegates chosen by Johnson will be large delegates and the rest will be non-voting guests. of the convention. Mississippi regular delegates are required to promise to support national party tickets; and the Democratic Party is committed to receiving in the future only delegates selected by non-discriminatory methods.
Although Joseph Rauh, MFDP's lawyer, initially rejected this agreement, he eventually urged the MFDP to accept it. However, the MFDP delegation declined. They believe that the national party, by accepting the official white Mississippi delegation, has endorsed a process whereby blacks have been denied their constitutional rights for decades to vote and participate in the political process. They believe that, because the MFDP has made their delegation selection process in accordance with the party's own national rules, they must sit as official Mississippi delegates, not just two as large delegates. Many civil rights activists are very offended by the outcome of the convention. As leader (and now Representative) John Lewis said, "We've played by the rules, done everything we were supposed to do, had played the game exactly as needed, had arrived at the door and found the door slammed in our faces.
Many white delegates from Mississippi and Alabama refused to sign any pledge, and abandoned the convention. Overall, "43 of 53 members of the Alabama delegation... refused to express their support for Johnson's national ticket and Hubert Humphrey and were refused seating."
The following year, Congress passed the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which authorized the federal government to oversee voter registration and other political practices and enforce rights in states with historically less represented minority voters. Jobs began enrolling African Americans in the South, and they began being re-elected to office after decades of removal. At this time, nearly 6.5 million African Americans have left the South in the Great Migration to escape oppression and seek employment opportunities in the North, Central and West West, changing the demographics of cities and regions.
See also
- Select privileges
- Civil Rights Act of 1964
- Voting Right Act
- US Democratic Party History # Civil Rights Movement
- Fannie Lou Hamer
- Solid South
- Same with selection
Note
References and further reading
- Alilunas, Leo. "Limitations of Negro Law in Politics: A Negro Review of Pre-Select Rights Before 1915" The Journal of Negro History , Vol. 25, No. 2 (Apr., 1940), pp.Ã, 153-160
- Anders, Evan. "Rules of Boss and Constituents of Interest: Politics of South Texas during the Progressive Era" Historical Historical Quarterly 84 (January 1981).
- Barr, Alwyn. Reconstruction for Reform: Politics of Texas, 1876-1906 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1971).
- Beth, L.P. "The White Primer and Judicial Functions in the United States. The Political Quarterly Vol. 29 No. 4 (October 1958), pp. 366-377.
- GreenbPrimary in Texas (Millwood, New York: KTO Press, 1979).
- David Montejano. Anglo and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987).
- Marshall, Thurgood. White Democratic Primary's "Resurrection and Collapse" The Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 26, No. 3; Southern Negro "(Summer, 1957), pp. 249-254.
- Overacker, Louise. "Negro Struggle for Participation in Main Elections" The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 30, No. 1 (Jan., 1945), p. 54-61.
- Parker, Albert. "Dictatorship in the South." International Fourth, Vol.2 No.4, May 1941, p. 115-118. (May 1941)
- Kennedy, Stetson. Jim Crow Guide Florida Atlantic University, (Boca Raton). (March 1990) ISBN 978-0-8130-0987-2
Source of the article : Wikipedia
0 Comments