Vocabulary development is the process by which people get words. Babbling shifts in meaningful speech as the baby grows and produces their first words around the age of one year. In early word learning, babies build their vocabulary slowly. At the age of 18 months, a baby can usually produce about 50 words and begin to make word combinations.
To build their vocabulary, babies must learn about the meaning that words bring. The mapping problem asks how the baby is properly learning to attach a word to the reference. The theory of constraints, general-domain views, social-pragmatic accounts, and emergentist coalition models have been proposed to take into account mapping issues...
From an early age, babies use language to communicate. Caregivers and other family members use language to teach children how to act in society. In their interactions with peers, children have the opportunity to learn about the unique role of the conversation. Through a pragmatic direction, adults often offer children's cues to understand the meaning of words.
Throughout their school years, children continue to build their vocabulary. In particular, children start learning abstract words. From the age of 3-5, word learning takes place both in conversation and through reading. Word learning often involves a physical context, built on prior knowledge, takes place in a social context, and includes semantic support. Phonological circuits and long-term memory serial sequences may both play an important role in the development of vocabulary.
Video Vocabulary development
Initial word learning
Babies begin to understand words like "Mommy", "Daddy", "hand" and "foot" when they are about 6 months old. Initially, these words refer to the mother or father or their own hands or feet. Babies begin to produce their first words when they are about one year old. Baby's first words are usually used in reference to things that are important to them, such as objects, body parts, people, and relevant actions. Also, the first words a baby produces are mostly single syllables or single repeating syllables, such as "no" and "chest". At the age of 12 to 18 months, the vocabulary of the child often contains words such as "cat", "bottle", "doll", "car", and "eye". Children's understanding of the names of things and people usually precedes their understanding of words that describe actions and relationships. "One" and "two" are the first number words children learn between the ages of one and two. Babies should be able to hear and play with sound in their environment, and break down the various phonetic units to find related words and meanings.
Phonology development
Studies related to vocabulary development show that children's language competence depends on their ability to hear sound during infancy. Baby's perception is different. Between the ages of six and ten months, babies can distinguish the sounds used in the language of the world. At 10 to 12 months of age, babies can no longer distinguish unused speech sounds in the language they show. Among the six-month-olds, articulation (ie, the motion of the mouth they observed by others when speaking) actually enhances their ability to discern sound, and may also contribute to the infant's ability to study phonemic boundaries. The infant phonological list is completed between the ages of 18 months and 7 years.
The phonological development of children usually proceeds as follows:
6-8 weeks : Cooing appears
16 weeks : Laughter and vowels are displayed
6-9 months : Repeat words (canonical) appear
12 months : The first word uses a limited voice repertoire
18 months : The phonological process (target sound deformation) becomes systematic
18 months-7 years : Completion of phonological inventory
At each of the above mentioned stages, children play with sounds and learn methods to help them learn the words. There is a link between children's pralinguistic phonetic skills and their lexical progress at two years of age: failure to develop the phonetic skills necessary in their prelinguistic periods causes delays in producing children's words. Environmental influences can affect the phonological development of children, such as hearing loss due to ear infections. Deaf babies and children with hearing problems due to infection are usually delayed early in babbling vocals.
Babbling
Babbling is an important aspect of vocabulary development in infants, as it seems to help practice producing speech sounds. Babbling starts between the ages of five and seven months. At this stage, babies start playing with unused voices to express their emotional or physical states, such as consonant sounds and vocals. Babies start babbling in real syllables like "ba-ba-ba, neh-neh-neh, and dee-dee-dee," between the ages of seven and eight months; this is known as canonical chatter. Jargon babbling includes sound strings like that; This babbling type uses intonation but does not convey meaning. The phonemes and patterns of syllables produced by infants began to differ for certain languages ​​during this period (eg, an increase in nasal sounds in French and Japanese infants) although most of the sound was similar. There is a shift from babbling into the use of words as the baby grows.
Vocabulary spurt
As children age, their vocabulary growth rate increases. Children may understand their first 50 words before producing them. At the age of eighteen months, children typically attain a vocabulary of 50 words in production, and between two and three times greater in comprehension. A transition from the early stages of slow vocabulary growth to the next stage of faster growth is referred to as the vocabulary of the words . Young children earn one to three words per month. Scrambling vocabulary often occurs over time as the number of words learned increases. It is believed that most children add about 10 to 20 new words a week. Between the ages of 18 to 24 months, children learn how to combine two words like no bye-bye and others please . A combination of three words and four words appears when most of the children's utterances are two words of production. In addition, children can form joint sentences, using and . This shows that there is a spike in vocabularies between the time when the child's first word appears, and when the child is able to form more than two words, and finally, a sentence. However, there is no argument as to whether or not there is a spike in word acquisition. In one study of 38 children, only five of the children had an inflection point in their rate of acquisition as opposed to quadratic growth. This study shows that most children do not have a jump in vocabulary.
Maps Vocabulary development
Mapping problem
In word learning, mapping problems refer to the question of how babies attach forms of language to the things they experience in the world. There are unlimited objects, concepts, and actions in the world where words can be mapped. Many theories have been proposed to explain the way in which language learners are able to map words to the right objects, concepts, and actions.
Although domain-specific accounts of word learning argue for innate constraints that limit the infant's hypothesis of word meaning, the general-domain perspective argues that word learning can be accounted for by common cognitive processes, such as learning and memory, which are not specific to language. Yet other theorists have proposed social pragmatic accounts, which emphasize the role of caregivers in guiding babies through word learning processes. According to some studies, however, children are active participants in their own word learning, although carers can still play an important role in this process. More recently, an emergentist coalition model has also been proposed to show that word learning can not be entirely associated with a single factor. In contrast, various cues, including prominent and social cues, can be used by infants at different points in the development of their vocabulary.
The obstacle theory
The theory of learning constraints argues for biases or standard assumptions that guide the infant through the word learning process. Limits are beyond the control of infants and are believed to help babies limit their hypotheses about the meaning of the words they face daily. Limits can be considered domain-specific (unique for language).
Critics argue that the constraint theory focuses on how children learn nouns, but ignores other aspects of their word learning. Although constraints are useful in explaining how children limit the possible meanings when learning new words, the same constraints must eventually be overridden because they are not used in the adult language. For example, adult speakers often use several terms, each of which means something slightly different, when referring to one entity, such as a family pet. This practice will violate the boundaries of mutual exclusivity.
Below, the most prominent limits in the literature are details:
- References is the idea that a word symbolizes or represents an object, action, or event. Words consistently stand for their reference, even if the reference is not present physically in context.
- Shared Exclusivity is the assumption that every object in the world can only be referenced by a single label.
- Shapes has been considered one of the most important properties for identifying members of an object category. Babies assume that objects that have the same shape also share names. Forms play an important role in appropriate and inappropriate extensions.
- Entire Object Entries is the belief that the label refers to the whole object, not the part or property of the object. Children are believed to hold this assumption because they usually label the whole object first, and part of the object property will be in development.
- Taxonomy Assumptions reflects the belief that speakers use words to refer to categories that are internally consistent. Label to select a coherent object category instead of the object and stuff associated with it. For example, children assume that the word "dog" refers to the category of "dog", not "dog with bone", or "dog chasing a cat".
General-domain view
The general view of domain vocabulary development states that children do not need principles or constraints to successfully develop world-word mapping. In contrast, word learning can be explained through common learning mechanisms such as importance, association, and frequency. Children are considered the most prominent object, action, or event in the context, and then associate it with the words most often used before them. In addition, research on word learning suggests that rapid mapping, the rapid learning that children show after a single exposure to new information, is not specific to word learning. Children can also manage to chart quickly when faced with new facts, remembering words and facts after time delays.
The common-domain view has been criticized for not fully explaining how children manage to avoid mapping errors when there are many possible references to objects, actions, or events may point. For example, if the bias is absent from birth, why does the baby assume that the label refers to the whole object, rather than the prominent part of these objects? However, the general-domain perspective does not ignore the idea of ​​bias. Instead, they suggest that biases develop through learning strategies rather than those that exist as a built-in constraint. For example, the entire bias of the object can be explained as a strategy that humans use to think about the world; perhaps we tend to think about our environment in terms of the overall object, and this strategy is not specific to the language domain. In addition, children may be exposed to cues related to categorization based on the form at the beginning of the word learning process, which will draw their attention to form when presented with new objects and labels. Ordinary learning can, then, lead to a form bias.
Social pragmatic theory
The social pragmatic theory, also different from the constraint view, focuses on the social context in which the baby is embedded. According to this approach, environmental input eliminates the ambiguity of the word learning situation. Gestures such as nanny gaze, body language, gestures, and smile help the baby understand the meaning of words. Pragmatic social theories emphasize the role of caregivers in talking about objects, actions, or events that the baby is already focused on.
Common concern is an important mechanism by which children learn to map word-to-world, and vice versa. Adults usually make an effort to build attention together with a child before they deliver something to the child. Common concern is often accompanied by physical presence, as children often focus on what's in their immediate environment. In addition, the coexistence of a conversation is likely to occur; caregivers and children usually talk together about whatever happens in their locus from mutual concern. Pragmatic social perspectives often present children as covariate detectors, which only relate the words they hear to whatever they see in the world at the same time. The co-variation model of joint attention seems to be problematic when we consider that many nanny tutors do not refer to things that occupy the baby's immediate focus of attention. For example, caregivers among the Kaluli, a group of indigenous peoples living in New Guinea, rarely label in the context of their references. While the covariation detection model emphasizes the role of caregivers in the process of making meaning, some theorists argue that infants also play an important role in learning their own words, actively avoiding mapping errors. When babies are in situations where their focus of attention differs from the speaker, they seek information about the speaker's focus, and then use that information to create the correct mapping of the word of reference. Common concern can be created through the infant agent, in an attempt to gather information about the speaker's intent.
From the beginning, children also assumed that language was designed for communication. Babies treat communication as a cooperative process. In particular, infants observe the principles of conventionality and contrast. According to conventionality, babies believe that for the specific meaning they want to convey, there is a term everyone would expect in society to use. Instead, babies act according to the notion that differences in form differences mark in meaning. Children's attention to conventionality and contrast is shown in their use of language, even before the age of 2 years; they direct their initial words toward adult targets, correct pronunciation errors quickly whenever possible, ask for words to relate to the world around them, and maintain contrast in their own use of the word.
Emergency coalition model
Emergency coalition models show that children use multiple cues to successfully attach a new label to a new object. A word learning situation may offer baby combinations of social, perceptual, cognitive, and linguistic cues. While various cues are available from the start of word learning, perhaps that is a case that not all cues are used by babies when they begin the word learning process. While younger children may only be able to detect a limited number of cues, older, more experienced word learners may be able to use a variety of cues. For example, young people seem to focus primarily on the importance of perception, but older children attend caregiver eyes and use nanny focus to direct their word mapping. Therefore, this model argues that the principles or cues may be present from the beginning of word learning, but the use of various cues evolves over time.
Supporters of the emergentist coalition model argue that, as a hybrid, this model is moving toward a more holistic explanation of word learning not captured by a single focus model. For example, constraint theory usually argues that constraints are available to children from the beginning of word learning, but do not explain how children develop into expert speakers that are not constrained by obstacles. In addition, some argue that the general-domain perspective does not fully answer the question of how children sort out the various potential references to correctly sort out meaning. Lastly, social pragmatic theory claims that social encounters guide word learning. Although these theories illustrate how children become learners of more advanced words, they seem to tell us little about the capacity of children early in the word learning. According to its supporters, the emergentist coalition model incorporates boundaries, but argues for the development and change in these principles over time, while simultaneously considering the social aspects of word learning in addition to other cues, such as meaning.
Pragmatic development
Both linguistic and socio-cultural factors affect the rate of vocabulary development. Children should learn to use their words appropriately and strategically in social situations. They have a flexible and powerful social-cognitive skills that enable them to understand the communicative intentions of others in a variety of interactive situations. Children learn new words in communication situations. Children rely on pragmatic skills to build a broader vocabulary. Some aspects of pragmatic behavior can predict later literacy and mathematical achievement, because pragmatic skilled children often function better in school. These children are also generally preferred.
Children use words differently for objects, relationships and spatial actions. Children aged one to three often rely on general-purpose deed words such as "here", "that" or "seeing" accompanied by movement, most often pointed, to select a particular object. Children also stretch familiar or partially known words to cover other objects that look similar to the original. This can cause word overextension or abuse of words. Word overextension is governed by the common perception of children who see among different references. Misuse of words indirectly provides a way to find the meaning inherent in certain words in children. When children are in contact with spatial relationships, they talk about the location of one object with another. They name objects that are located and use the term deiktik, such as here or "there" for the location, or they mention the object located and its location. They can also use general purpose locative markers, which are prepositions, postpositions or endings depending on the connected language in some way to word for location. The children's earliest words for action usually encode both the action and the outcome. Children use a small number of general purpose verbs, such as "do" and "create" for a variety of major actions because their resources are limited. Children acquiring a second language seem to use the same production strategy to talk about action. Sometimes children use a very specific verb rather than a general-purpose verb. In both cases, children stretch their resources to communicate what they want to say.
Babies use words to communicate early in life and their communication skills develop as they grow older. Help with communication skills in word learning. Babies learn to take turns when communicating with adults. While preschoolers lack the right time and rely on clear speaker cues, older children are more precise in their time and take less long pauses. Children get better at starting and maintaining a coherent conversation as they get older. Toddlers and preschoolers use strategies such as repeating and rearranging their partner's words to keep the conversation going. Older children add new information relevant to the conversation. Connections like then , so , and because are more commonly used as children get older. When giving and responding to feedback, preschoolers are inconsistent, but around the age of six, children can mark correction with phrases and nods to show their sustained attention. As children continue to age, they provide more rebuilding interpretations to the listener, which helps encourage conversation.
Pragmatic Influence
Carers use language to help children become community members and culturally competent. From birth, babies receive pragmatic information. They learn the structure of the conversation from the initial interaction with the caregiver. Actions and speeches are arranged in the game, such as peekaboo to give children information about words and phrases. Carers find many ways to help babies interact and respond. As children progress and participate more actively in the interaction, caregivers adjust their interactions appropriately. Carers also encourage children to produce correct pragmatic behavior. They provide feedback on what children expect to say, how to talk, when to speak, and how they can stay on topics. Caregivers can model appropriate behaviors, use verbal reinforcement, propose hypothetical situations, respond to children's comments, or evaluate others.
Family members contribute to pragmatic development in different ways. Fathers often act as secondary caregivers, and may know the child less intimately. The older brother may not have the capacity to acknowledge the needs of the child. As a result, both father and sibling can pressure children to communicate more clearly. They often challenge children to improve their communication skills, thus preparing them to communicate with strangers about unknown topics. Dads have more damage when communicating with babies, and spend less time focusing on the same object or action as the baby. Brothers are more directive and less responsive to infants, which motivate infants to participate in conversations with their older siblings. There are some limitations in studies that focus on the influence of fathers and siblings, as most studies are descriptive and correlational. In fact, there are many variations of family configuration, and the context affects parental behavior more than the gender parent. The majority of research in this field is done with mother/child pairs.
Peers help to expose children to multi-party conversations. This allows the children to hear more variations of speech, and to observe different conversation roles. Peers may be uncooperative conversational partners, which push children to communicate more effectively. Talking to peers is different from talking to adults, but children may still correct their peers. Interaction of friends provides children with different experiences filled with special humor, disputes and conversation topics.
Cultures and contexts in the infant's linguistic environment form the development of their vocabulary. English learners have been found to map new labels for objects that are more reliable than actions compared to Chinese learners. This early noun bias in English learners is caused by a culturally strengthened tendency for English-speaking caregivers to engage in a large number of ostensive labeling and non-friendlier activities such as picture books. Adult speech gives children grammatical input. Mandarin and Cantonese have the word category of grammatical functions called noun classifiers, which are also common in many East Asia languages ​​that are not genetically related. In Cantonese, the classifier is mandatory and specific in more situations than in Mandarin. This explains the research found in Chinese-speaking children who outperform Cantonese-language children in relation to the size of their vocabulary.
Pragmatic instructions
Pragmatic referrals give children additional information about the meaning intended by the speaker. Children's learning of the meaning of new words is guided by the pragmatic directions that adults offer, such as an explicit link to the meaning of words. Adults present young people with information about how words are related to each other through connections, such as "is part of", "is sort of", "property", or "used for". This pragmatic directive gives children important information about the language, enabling them to make inferences about possible meanings for unknown words. This is also called inclusion. When children are given two words associated with inclusion, they hold on to that information. When children hear adults saying the wrong word, and then correct their mistake by declaring the correct word, the children take into account improvement when defining the meaning for the two words.
In school-age children
Vocabulary development during schooling is built on what children already know, and children use this knowledge to expand their vocabulary. Once children have gained the level of vocabulary knowledge, new words are learned through explanations using known, or "old" words. This is done explicitly, when a new word is defined using old words, or implicitly, when the word is set in the context of the old words so that the meaning of the new word is limited. As children reach school age, implicit context and learning are the most common ways in which their vocabulary continues to grow. At this time, children learn new vocabulary mostly through conversation and reading. Throughout school and adults, conversation and reading are the main methods in which vocabulary develops. This growth tends to slow down once someone finishes school, as they have acquired the vocabulary used in daily conversation and reading material and are generally not involved in activities that require the development of additional vocabulary.
During the first few years of life, children master concrete words such as "car", "bottle", "dog", "cat". At the age of 3 years, children tend to be able to learn these concrete words without the need for visual references, so word learning tends to accelerate around this age. As children reach school age, they learn abstract words (eg "love", "freedom", "success"). This broadens the vocabulary available for children to learn, which helps explain the obvious improvement in word learning at school age. At age 5, children tend to have an express vocabulary of 2,100-2,200 words. At age 6, they have about 2,600 words of expressive vocabulary and 20,000-24,000 words of receptive vocabulary. Some claim that children experience sudden word learning acceleration, up to 20 words per day, but tend to be much more gradual than this. From ages 6 to 8, the average child in school is learning 6-7 words per day, and from ages 8 to 12, about 12 words per day.
Means
Exposure to conversations and engaging in conversations with others helps school-age children develop vocabulary. Rapid mapping is the process of learning a new concept on a single exposure and is used in word learning not only by infants and toddlers, but by preschoolers and adults as well. This principle is particularly useful for word learning in conversational settings, since words tend not to be explicitly explained in the conversation, but can often be called along the range of a conversation.
Reading is considered a key element of vocabulary development in school-aged children. Before children can read by themselves, children can learn from others who read to them. Learning vocabulary from this experience includes using context, as well as explicit explanations of words and/or events in the story. This can be done using illustrations in the book to guide explanations and provide references or visual comparisons, usually for prior knowledge and past experiences. Interactions between adults and children often include repetition of the child from a new word back to an adult. When a child starts to learn to read, their vocabulary and oral vocabulary tend to be the same, because children use their vocabulary knowledge to match verbal form words with written form. Both forms of this vocabulary are usually the same until grade 3. Since the written language is much more diverse than spoken language, the printed vocabulary begins to expand beyond oral vocabulary. At age 10, the development of children's vocabulary through reading moves away from learning concrete words to study abstract words.
In general, both conversation and reading involve at least one of the four principles of context used in word learning and vocabulary development: physical context, prior knowledge, social context and semantic support.
Physical context
Physical context involves the presence of an object or action which is also a topic of conversation. By using the physical context, the child is exposed to the words and visual references of the word. It is often used in infants and toddlers, but can be very beneficial for school-age children, especially when learning rare or rarely used words. The physical context may include props like in a game of toys. When engaged in playing with adults, the vocabulary of the child is developed through discussion of toys, such as naming objects (eg "dinosaurs") or labeling them with the use of a rare word (for example, stegosaurus ). Such interactions expose children to words they may not encounter in everyday conversation.
Previous knowledge
Past experience or general knowledge is often mentioned in the conversation, so it is a useful context for children to learn words. Remembering past experiences allows children to call their own visual, tactical, oral, and/or hearing references. For example, if a child ever goes to a zoo and sees an elephant, but does not know the word elephant, the adult can then help the child remember this event, explaining the size and color of the animal. , how big his ears, trunks, and sounds he produced, then use the word elephant to refer to the animal. Calling prior knowledge is not only used in conversation, but often in book readings to help explain what happens in the story by relating it back to the child's own experience.
Social context
The social context involves demonstrating social norms and violations of these norms. This form of context is most commonly found in conversations, compared to reading or other word learning environments. A child's understanding of social norms can help them to deduce the meaning of words that occur in the conversation. In English tradition, "please" and "thank you" are taught to children at a very early age, so they are very familiar with children at school age. For example, if a group of people are eating a meal with a child present and one person says, "give me bread" and the other replied, "that's rude, what do you say?", And the person replied with "please", the child may do not know the meaning of "rough", but can conclude its meaning through the social context and understand the need to say "please".
Semantic support
Semantic support is the most obvious method of vocabulary development in school-aged children. This involves the provision of direct verbal information about the meaning of a word. When children are at school, they are active participants in the conversation, so they are very capable and willing to ask questions when they do not understand the word or concept. For example, a child may see the zebra for the first time and ask, what is it? and his parents may reply, it is a zebra. It's like a horse with stripes and it's wild so you can not drive it.
Image support
Image support involves two memory techniques - association and visualization. Associating a picture with a word helps users learn the word in a more effective way. Anshul Agarwal, Founder of Dailyvocab.com mentioned in his interview with Career360 - "memory aid for every word helps students learn words faster and more effectively".
Memory
Memory plays an important role in the development of vocabulary, but the role it plays is debated in the literature. In particular, short-term memory and how its capacity to work with vocabulary development is questioned by many researchers.
The phonology of words has proven beneficial to the development of vocabulary when children begin schooling. Once children have developed vocabulary, they use sounds they already know to learn new words. The phonological circle encodes, maintains and manipulates the speech-based information that a person encounters. This information is then stored in phonological memory, part of short-term memory. Research shows that children's capacity in phonological memory is related to vocabulary knowledge as children begin schooling at 4-5 years of age. Because memory capacity tends to increase with age (between the age of 4 and adolescence), so does the individual's ability to learn more complex vocabulary.
Series-order short-term memory may be important for vocabulary development. As the lexical knowledge increases, the phonological representation must be more precise to determine the difference between similar sound words (ie "quiet", "coming"). In this theory, a particular sequence or sequence of phonological events is used to study new words, rather than phonology as a whole.
See also
- Semantic mapping (literacy)
References
Bibliography
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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