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In psychology, identity is the quality, belief, personality, appearance and/or expression that makes a person (identity) or group (social category or certain social group). The identity process can be creative or destructive.

A psychological identity relates to the self-image (one's mental model of self), self-worth, and individuality. Consequently, Weinreich gives the definition of "One's identity is defined as the totality of a person's self-construal, in which how a person perceives himself in the present expression of continuity between how a person defines himself as a person in the past and how one constructs himself as one aspires to be in the future "; this allows for the definition of the identity aspect, such as: "The ethnic identity of a person is defined as part of the totality of the self-construal consisting of dimensions expressing continuity between the constructs of the past ancestor and the future aspirations of a person in relation to ethnicity (Weinreich, 1986a).

Gender identity forms an important part of identity in psychology, because it dictates at a significant level how one sees itself as a person and in relation to others, ideas and nature. Other aspects of identity, such as race, religion, ethnicity, work... etc. It may also be more or less significant - or significant in some situations but not in others (Weinreich & Saunderson 2003 pp 26-34). In cognitive psychology, the term "identity" refers to the capacity for self-reflection and self-awareness. (Leary & Tangney 2003, p.Ã, 3)

Sociology puts some explanatory weight on the concept of role behavior. The idea of ​​identity negotiation may arise from learning a social role through personal experience. Identity negotiation is a process in which a person negotiates with the public about the meaning of his identity.

Psychologists most often use the term "identity" to describe personal identity , or strange things that make a person unique. Meanwhile, sociologists often use the term to describe social identity , or a collection of group memberships that define individuals. However, this use is not exclusive, and each discipline can use the concept and each discipline can combine the two concepts when considering one's identity.

The description or representation of individual and group identities is the main task for psychologists, sociologists and anthropologists and people from other disciplines in which "identity" needs to be mapped and defined. How should one describe the identity of others, in ways that include their idiosyncratic qualities and group membership or their identification, both of which can change according to circumstances? Following from the work of Kelly, Erikson, Tajfel and etc. Weinreich Identity Structure Analysis (ISA), is "a structural representation of individual existential experience, in which the relationship between self and other agents is organized in a relatively stable structure over time. , with an emphasis on the socio-cultural environment in which the self is related to agents and other institutions "(Weinreich and Saunderson, (eds) 2003, p1). Using constructions drawn from the prominent discourse of individuals, groups and cultural norms, the practical operationalization of the ISA provides a methodology that maps how this is used by individuals, applied in time and milieus by "self" to self-assess and other agencies and agencies ( for example, resulting in individual evaluations of self and significant other people and institutions).


Video Identity (social science)



In psychology

Erik Erikson (1902-1994) became one of the earliest psychologists who explicitly interested in identity. The Eriksonian framework relies on the distinction between a sense of psychological continuity, known as the identity of the ego (sometimes identified only as "self"); a personal uniqueness that separates one person from the next, known as personal identity ; and a set of social roles a person may play, known as social identity or cultural identity . Erikson's work, in the psychodynamic tradition, aims to investigate the process of identity formation throughout the lifetime. The progressive forces in the identity of the ego, for example, can be mapped in the form of a series of stages in which identity is formed in response to increasingly sophisticated challenges. The process of establishing a proper sense of identity for a culture is conceptualized as a juvenile task, and those who do not manage the resynthesis of childhood identification seem to be in a state of 'identity diffusion' whereas those who retain their initial identity are given undoubtedly have 'taken over' Weinreich & Saunderson 2003 p7-8). In some Erikson readings, the development of a strong ego identity, along with proper integration into stable societies and cultures, leads to a stronger sense of identity in general. Thus, lacking any of these factors may increase the likelihood of an identity crisis or confusion (Cote & Levine 2002, p.Ã, 22).

Although self is different from identity, the psychology of self-literature can offer some insight into how identity is preserved (Cote & Levine 2002, p 24). From the standpoint of self-psychology, there are two interesting areas: the process in which the self is formed ("I"), and the actual content of the self-concept ("I") schema. In the latter field, theorists have shown an interest in linking self-concept with self-esteem, the difference between complex and simple ways of organizing self-knowledge, and the relationship between organizing and processing principles of information (Cote & Levine). 2002).

The "Neo-Eriksonian" paradigm identity status appeared in later years, largely driven by the work of James Marcia. This paradigm focuses on the twin concepts of exploration and commitments . The main idea is that every sense of individual identity is determined largely by the exploration and commitment that it makes about certain personal and social traits. Therefore the core research in this paradigm investigates the degree to which a person has undertaken a specific exploration, and the extent to which he displays a commitment to the exploration.

One can display relative weakness or relatively good strength in terms of exploration and commitment. When given categories, four possible permutations result: identity diffusion, identity confiscation, identity moratorium, and attainment of identity. Diffusion is when a person has no exploration in life or interest to perform even on the role he does not like. Foreclosure is when a person has not chosen widely in the past, but seems willing to commit to some relevant values, goals or roles in the future. The moratorium is when someone displays a sort of escape, ready to make a choice but can not commit to them. Finally, the achievement is when a person makes a choice of identity and is committed to them.

Weinreich's identity variation also includes categories of identity diffusion, foreclosures and crises, but with somewhat different emphases. Here, with respect to the diffusion of identity for example, the optimal level is interpreted as the norm, since it is unrealistically expecting the individual to solve all of their conflict identification with others; therefore we must be wary of individuals with much higher or lower levels than norms - highly dispersed individuals are classified as diffuse, and those with low levels are taken over or defended. (Weinreich & Saunderson, 2003, pp 65-67; ​​105-106). Weinreich implements a variant of identity within the framework that also allows for transition from one to the other by means of biographical experiences and conflict resolution identification that lies in various contexts - for example, a teenager experiencing family disintegration can be in one country, whereas in later marriage stable with a safe professional role maybe in another. Therefore, although there is continuity, there is also development and change. (Weinreich & Saunderson, 2003, pp 22-23).

Laing's definition of identity closely follows Erikson, in emphasizing the past, present and future components of an experienced self. He also developed the concept of "self-metaptive perspective," which is self-perception of another self-view, which has been found to be of great importance in a clinical context such as anorexia nervosa. (Saunderson and O'Kane, 2005). HarrÃÆ' Â © also conceptualize the components of self/identity - the "person" (unique to me for myself and others) along with the self aspects (including the totality of attributes including beliefs about one's characteristics including the life history), and personal characteristics shown to others.

Maps Identity (social science)



In social psychology

At a general level, self psychology is forced to investigate the question of how the self is related to the social environment. To the extent that these theories place themselves in the "psychological" tradition of social psychology, they focus on explaining individual actions in a group in terms of mental and state events. However, some sociological "social psychology" theories go further by trying to address the problem of identity both on the level of individual cognition and collective behavior.

Collective identity

Many people get a positive sense of self-esteem from their identity group, which enhances a sense of belonging and belonging. Another problem that researchers are trying to address is the question why people engage in discrimination, that is, why they tend to support people they perceive as part of their "group" above those who are perceived as outsiders. Both questions have been given wide attention by researchers working in the tradition of social identity. For example, in work relating to social identity theory it has been shown that only crafting cognitive differences between within and out-groups can cause subtle effects on the evaluation of others (Cote & Levine 2002).

Different social situations also force people to attach themselves to different identities that can cause some to feel marginalized, to switch between different groups and self-identification, or to reinterpret certain components of identity. This distinct self leads to constructed drawings which dichotomes between what one wants (the ideal self) and how others perceive (self-limited). Educational background and status and role role significantly influence identity formation in this regard.

Identity creation strategy

Another interesting issue in social psychology is related to the idea that there is a particular identity-forming strategy that one might use to adapt to the social world. (Cote & Levine 2002, pp. 3-5) develop typologies that investigate the different behaviors that individuals may have. (3) Their typology includes:

Kenneth Gergen formulates an additional classification, which includes strategic manipulators, pastiche personality, and relational self . A strategic manipulator is one who begins to regard all the senses of identity as role playing exercises only, and which gradually becomes alienated from his social "self." Pastiche personality leaves all aspirations toward true or "essential" identity, rather than looking at social interaction as an opportunity to play, and therefore become, the role they play. Finally, relational self is a perspective in which people abandon all the exclusive sense of self, and see all the senses of identity in terms of social engagement with others. For Gergen, these strategies follow each other gradually, and they are related to the increasing popularity of postmodern culture and the rise of telecommunication technology.

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In social anthropology

The anthropologists most often use the term 'identity' to refer to this idea of ​​selfhood by a loose Eriksonian way (Erikson 1972) based on the uniqueness and individuality that make a person different from others. Identity became more attractive to anthropologists with the emergence of modern attention with ethnic and social movements in the 1970s. This is reinforced by appreciation, following trends in sociological thinking, about the way in which individuals are affected by and contribute to the overall social context. At the same time, Eriksonian's approach to identity remains valid, with the result that identity continues until recently used in a socio-historical way to refer to the quality of commonality in relation to one's connection to another and to a particular group of people.

The former prefers a primordialist approach that takes the sense of self and belongs to the collective group as something definite, defined by objective criteria such as common ancestors and general biological characteristics. The second, rooted in social constructionist theory, takes the view that identity is shaped by the dominant political choice of certain characteristics. Thus, he questions the idea that identity is something natural, characterized by fixed criteria, purportedly objective. Both approaches need to be understood in their own political and historical context, characterized by debates on class, race and ethnic issues. While they are criticized, they continue to exert influence on the current conceptualization approach to identity.

This different 'identity' exploration shows how difficult the concept is to describe. Since identity is a virtual object, it is impossible to define it empirically. Discussion of identity uses terms with different meanings, from fundamental and eternal similarities, to fluidity, probability, negotiation and so on. Brubaker and Cooper noted a tendency in many scholars to confuse identity as a category of practice and as a category of analysis (Brubaker & Cooper 2000, p.Ã, 5). Indeed, many scholars have shown a tendency to follow the preconceptions of their own identity, following more or less the framework listed above, rather than considering the mechanism by which the concept is crystalized as reality. In this environment, some analysts, such as Brubaker and Cooper, suggest to get rid of this concept entirely (Brubaker & Cooper 2000, p.1). Others, by contrast, have attempted to introduce alternative concepts in an effort to capture the dynamic and fluid qualities of human social self-expression. Hall (1992, 1996), for example, suggests treating identity as a process, to take account of the diverse and changing reality of social experience. Some scholars have introduced the idea of ​​identification, in which the identity is considered to consist of different components that are 'identified' and interpreted by the individual. The construction of an individual's personal sense is achieved by personal choice of who and what to associate. Such an approach is liberating in their recognition of the role of the individual in social interaction and identity construction.

Anthropologists have contributed to the debate by shifting the focus of research: One of the first challenges for researchers who want to do empirical research in this area is to identify the right analytical tools. The boundary concept is useful here to show how identity works. In the same way as Barth, in his approach to ethnicity, advocates a critical focus for investigation as the "ethnic boundary defining groups rather than the cultural things it attaches" (1969: 15), social anthropologists such as Cohen and Bray have shifted the focus of analytical study from identity to the limits used for identification purposes. If the identity is a kind of virtual site where the dynamic processes and markers used for identification are made clear, the limits provide the framework on which this virtual site is created. They concentrate on how the idea of ​​belonging to different communities is built by individual members and how individuals in the group understand ethnic boundaries.

As a non-directive and flexible analytical tool, the boundary concept helps both to map and to determine the changes and transitions that are characteristic of the community's self-experience in society. While identity is something that is volatile, flexible and abstract, its manifestations and the ways it is used are often open to view. Identity is made clear through the use of markers such as language, clothing, behavior and space choices, whose effects depend on their acknowledgment by other social beings. Markers help create boundaries that define the similarities or differences between marker users and marker markers, their effectiveness depends on mutual understanding of their meaning. In a social context, misunderstandings can arise because of misinterpretations about the importance of special markers. In other words, an individual can use identity markers to influence others without having to meet all the criteria normally associated by external observers with such abstract identities.

Limits can be inclusive or exclusive depending on how they are perceived by others. Exclusive boundaries appear, for example, when someone adopts a marker that imposes restrictions on the behavior of others. Inclusive boundaries are made, on the contrary, by the use of markers with which others are ready and able to associate them. At the same time, however, the inclusive limit will also impose restrictions on people who have been included by limiting their inclusion within other boundaries. An example is the use of certain languages ​​by new arrivals in a room full of people speaking in different languages. Some people may understand the language that this person uses while others may not. Those who do not understand it may consider the use of new languages ​​by these immigrants only as a neutral sign of identity. But they may also regard it as an exclusive boundary that is meant to mark them from him. On the other hand, those who understand the language of newcomers can regard it as an inclusive boundary, in which newcomers associate themselves with them to the exclusion of others present. Nevertheless, it is possible that people who understand newcomers but who also speak other languages ​​may not want to speak the language of newcomers and see markers as coercion and negative limits. It is possible that the newcomer is consciously or unaware of this, depending on whether he or she knows another language or is aware of the bilingual qualities of the people there and appreciates it or not.

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In philosophy

Hegel rejects the Cartesian philosophy, assuming that we are not always in doubt and that we do not always have consciousness. In his famous Master-Slave Dialectic Hegel tries to show that the mind (Geism) only becomes aware when he discovers another thought. One Geist tries to control the other, because until then he has only found a tool for its use. The struggle for domination takes place, leading to Lordship and Bondage.

Nietzche, who was influenced by Hegel in some ways but rejected him in another, called for the rejection of "Soul Atomism" in The Gay Science. Nietzche considers that the Soul is a power interaction, something that always changes away from the immortal soul represented by Descartes and the Christian tradition. His "soul-building" in many ways resembles modern social constructivism.

Heidegger, following Nietzsche, works on identity. For Heidegger, people only really form an identity after facing death. It is death that allows people to choose from socially constructed meanings in their world, and gather a limited identity of seemingly infinite meanings. For Heidegger, most people never escape the "them," the socially constructed identity of "how it should be" is largely created to try to escape death through ambiguity.

Many philosophical schools have come from rejecting Hegel, and various traditions of acceptance and rejection have been developed.

Ricoeur has introduced the distinction between ipse identity (self, 'who am I?') And identity idem (similarity, or third person perspective that upholds identity) (Ricoeur & Blamey 1995).

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Implications

The implications are diverse because many research traditions now use many identification lenses to examine phenomena. One implication of identity and identity construction can be seen in the work settings. This becomes increasingly challenging in stigma work or "dirty work" (Hughes, 1951). Tracy and Trethewey (2005) state that "individuals lean toward and turn away from certain occupations, depending in part, to what extent they validate the" self-chosen organization "(Tracy & Tretheway 2005, p.Ã, 169). various stigma or praise. In his analysis, Tracy used an example of correctional officers who tried to shake the stigma of "glorified ministers" (Tracy & Tretheway 2005). "The process by which people arrive at justification and value for various employment options" Among these are workplace satisfaction and overall quality of life (Tracy & Scott 2006, p.Ã, 33) People in this type of work are forced to find ways to create an identity they can live in. " a positive sense of self in the workplace is more challenging when one's work is considered "dirty" by community standards "(Tracy & Scott 2006, p.Ã, 7)." In other words, doing stain management is not just about allowing employees to feel good about the job. "If employees had to navigate discourses that questioned the appropriateness of their work, and/or experienced obstacles in managing the stain by turning the dirty work into a badge of honor, they would likely find it blaming clients to be an effective route in asserting their identity." (Tracy & Scott 2006, p.Ã, 33).

However, the concept that an individual has a unique identity that developed relatively new in history. Factors that affect emphasis on personal identity may include:

  • in the West, Protestant pressure on one's responsibility for one's own soul
  • psychology itself, emerged as a field of knowledge and a different study from the 19th century onwards
  • the growing sense of privacy since the Renaissance
  • specializing the role of workers during the industrial period (as opposed to, for example, to the undifferentiated peasant role in the feudal system)
  • job and job effects on identity
  • increasing emphasis on gender identity, including gender dysphoria and transgender issues

Identity change

Important implications relate to identity change, namely identity transformation.

Source of the article : Wikipedia

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